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November 20, 2003Special Analysis: Testing The Standard, Part 1/6by Dan Darling at November 20, 2003 3:42 AM
Taken from an Osama bin Laden audiotape, February 12, 2003: "Under these circumstances, there will be no harm if the interests of Muslims converge with the interests of the socialists in the fight against the crusaders, despite our belief in the infidelity of socialists. Al-Qaeda training chief Abu Mohammed al-Ablaj to Saudi magazineal-Majallah, May 25, 2003: "Allah has turned to him [Saddam Hussein] with forgiveness. He declared jihad and did not recognize Israel. There is nothing to bar cooperation with a Muslim who has made jihad his course and way for liberating the holy lands." By now, I expect that just about everyone in blogosphere has heard from one source or another about the memo leaked to the conservative Weekly Standard that provided a considerable listing of evidence regarding a connection between Iraq and al-Qaeda. What I'm now going to do is to examine the memo excerpts that were provided by The Weekly Standard re: Iraq & al-Qaeda, and endeavor to see whether or not the raw data is consistent with what we already know or can reasonably deduce from reported stories in the press. This is a far from ideal method of verifying the excerpts in the Standard's piece, but short of full declassification of all US intelligence in relation to al-Qaeda (something that might happen around 2025 or so), it's probably the best that we're going to get here in the blogosphere. Because of the length and detail, this will be a 6-part series. Part 1 deals with The Pentagon Memo, and begins to look at the relationship between Iraq and al-Qaeda, in particular Zawhiri's Egyptian Islamic Jihad. One might wonder why any of this matters. I believe this memo is significant information because if even some of its contents are true, it means as I have argued both on Winds of Change.NET and on my own blog that Iraq was an imminent threat to the United States through its relationship with al-Qaeda, even if one sets aside the question of WMD. The Pentagon Memo However, before I can address the subject of the memo I must first deal with the Department of Defense press release on the subject, which some have erroneously interpreted as either a denial or a distancing of the DoD from the memo, when in fact it reveals a great deal of useful information to us on a number of issues: 1. The memo is the real McCoy. Rupert Murdoch and Fred Barnes didn't fabricate it as an ingenious PR offensive to shore up support for the administration's case for going to war. 2. The memo lists specific intelligence reports that detailed Iraq/al-Qaeda ties or connections and sent them to the chairman and the vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee (Roberts and Rockefeller respectively). The Committee is currently examining pre-war US intelligence in regards to Iraq, so this is an entirely understandable request. More to the point, the memo was sent in reference to testimony made over the summer and as the latest entry of actual data on the memo refers to the events of May 2003, this is by no means new information for the US intelligence community. 3. "The items listed in the classified annex were either raw reports or products of the CIA, the NSA, or, in one case, the DIA." Some have interpreted this as meaning that the information cited in the memo is inaccurate or false, when in reality what it means is that what we are looking at is raw "unhyped" intelligence. The allegations of intelligence distortion or manipulation that have been made against the administration are certainly disturbing, but because this is simply raw information we can safely view this memo knowing that if such manipulation did occur that this is the "pre-spun" version of it. 4. "The selection of the documents was made by DOD to respond to the Committee’s question." This means that the evidence being presented was that in favor of the Iraq/al-Qaeda connection, which would explain why the memo (or at least those elements of it printed in the Standard)does not include for example mention either Abu Zubaydah or Khalid Sheikh Mohammed's reported denials of a link between the terrorist network and Iraq, it simply was not intended to. 5. This memo was not intended as an analysis and drew no conclusions, it simply listed the raw data that supported the assertion that Iraq and al-Qaeda were working with one another. The Committee is already presumably aware of the conclusion of US intelligence in this regard and now they want to see the raw data in order to view how that conclusion was reached. For more discussion on the memo, I would kindly direct readers to the comments section of my colleague Robin Burk's Iraq Reconstruction Report. Also recommended are this story from Slate and Stephen F. Hayes' own clarifications on the Weekly Standard's website. Iraqi Intelligence?
To begin with, this comes from a "senior Iraqi intelligence officer" now in US custody who presumably either a member of the deck of cards or one of the 200 other most wanted Iraqis. This is what the officer told US interrogators in May 2003, implying that if the officer had been in custody when or shortly after the regime fell in early April that there would have been more than enough time to break him. The mention of Farouk Hijazi as the middleman is also extremely interesting because the last time that his name surfaced in press reports as the liaison between Iraq and al-Qaeda prior to him being taken into custody was in 1999, so if this officer was only trying to tell his interrogators what they wanted to hear, he apparently has a much longer memory than the international media because Hijazi's name wasn't mentioned at all as a link between Iraq and al-Qaeda during the run-up to war, though one could easily argue that it should have been. Egyptian Islamic Jihad The claims of a connection between Iraq and the Egyptian Islamic Jihad (EIJ) are a little bit more complicated, largely because the EIJ is run by bin Laden's second-in-command Ayman al-Zawahiri, and has extremely robust ties to Saddam Hussein's archenemy Iran. According to Iranian defector Hamid Reza Zakiri's interview with al-Sharq al-Awsat, the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) first met up with the EIJ in Lebanon during the 1980s after the assassination of Anwar Sadat. The senior Iraqi intelligence officer claims that Iraq established relations first with EIJ, and later with al-Qaeda in Sudan in 1992, but the time frame that is being established here is either during or immediately after the Iran-Iraq War. So was the Iraqi officer lying or trying to tell his interrogators what he thinks that they want to hear? Possibly, but one should keep in mind three things. The first is Saddam's personal goal, and the official goal of Ba'athist facism: to unite the Arab race under the banner of a single great leader, and lead the Arab world into battle against its enemies. Nasserite socialism was a direct ideological competitor to the Ba'athists for many years, and Egypt's traditional standing as a key center of gravity for the Islamic world has long represented a formidable obstacle to both Iraq and Syria's Ba'athist aspirations. Then there's Egypt's role as America's "ally" in the region, and their participation in Gulf War I. Keeping one's enemy busy and weakened, as could be achieved by supporting anti-regime elements like EIJ, makes sense as a strategy under these circumstances. One backs them not because they are likely to win, but because they aren't and so represent no threat… and in the meantime, they serve as a useful distraction and punishment for one's enemy. Welcome to the realities of international diplomacy, and especially the Persian-Arabic tradition which has historically made secret societies and covert action a mainstay of its statecraft over the centuries. The second thing to consider is that al-Qaeda (and by extension the EIJ) have an extremely pragmatic approach towards their relationships with various governments willing to act as its patron, thereby explaining why the terror network has been willing to work with both a nominally Christian despot like Charles Taylor in Liberia as well as, according to the October 6, 2003 issue of US News and World Report, Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. As such, one can easily imagine an individual like al-Zawahiri agreeing to enter into a "highly secretive relationship" with the secular Baathist regime in Iraq even as he was establishing ties with the Shi'ite Khomeinist theocracy of Iran. Finally, immediately following its disastrous defeat in the Gulf War and status as an international pariah, Iraq would have been eager to cultivate ties to Islamic extremists as a means to both achieve revenge against the United States as well as to ensure that such extremists remained focused on fighting the Great Satan abroad rather than the tyrant currently occupying the center of the Caliphate at home. As it happened, this convergence of interests suited the objectives of both al-Zawahiri and bin Laden perfectly. Tomorrow: Part II: Analyzing the al-Qaeda Alliance Tracked: November 20, 2003 9:36 PM
In-Depth Analysis from JimSpot
Excerpt: Dan Darling is doing an in-depth analysis (in 6 parts) of the memo vs. news reports and what HAS come...
Comments
#1 from Jean Bart at 11:24 pm on Nov 20, 2003
Dan, First of all, there is no "Arab race." In fact, I am of the opinion that no races exist (genetically speaking, they certainly do not exist). Now, if you want to refer to Arabs as an ethnic group (which in itself is problematic), then I would be more inclined to accept that terminology. "I believe this memo is significant information because if even some of its contents are true, it means as I have argued both on Winds of Change.NET and on my own blog that Iraq was an imminent threat to the United States through its relationship with al-Qaeda, even if one sets aside the question of WMD." To be frank, I have yet to see anyone claim that no contacts existed between his regime and Al Qaeda. What one needs to prove is that the quality of the contacts were such that they constituted an "imminent threat," not that contacts existed. Example: right now the Pakistani goverment - or rather elements of it - have contacts with Al Qaeda and the Taleban, and Pakistan has an active and operational nuclear arms program; are you suggesting that merely because such contacts exist that the US should invade Pakistan? "unhyped intelligence" - How do you come to take conclusion? Simply because the reports are "raw," does not mean that they are unhyped, or otherwise fallacious. "According to a May 2003 debriefing of a senior Iraqi intelligence officer, Iraqi intelligence established a highly secretive relationship with Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and later with al Qaeda." What sort of relationship? You concluding three-pronged argument is mere conjecture based on a thin historical narrative. In other words, you find what you want to find. "First of all, there is no 'Arab race.' In fact, I am of the opinion that no races exist (genetically speaking, they certainly do not exist). Now, if you want to refer to Arabs as an ethnic group (which in itself is problematic), then I would be more inclined to accept that terminology." The Baathists disagree in this regard, but I more than understand and tend to agree with your point on this one. The intent was to explain what Baathists believe ideologically rather than to remark on the accuracy of such beliefs. "To be frank, I have yet to see anyone claim that no contacts existed between his regime and Al Qaeda." Numerous individuals have been making various statements to the effect that that Iraq had nothing whatsoever to do with bin Laden. I had one of the adjunct professors at my college inform me of this just the other day. "Example: right now the Pakistani goverment - or rather elements of it - have contacts with Al Qaeda and the Taleban, and Pakistan has an active and operational nuclear arms program; are you suggesting that merely because such contacts exist that the US should invade Pakistan?" No, both because Pakistan has rounded up ~500 al-Qaeda including all kinds of folks like Abu Zubaydah, Ramzi Binalshibh, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Tawfiq Attash Khalid, Ali Abd al-Aziz, Hanbali's brother, ect., in large part because al-Qaeda's plans include the destruction of the current Pakistani junta and the formation of a theocratic state. Our relationship strategic relationship with Pakistan is far from ideal because the byzantine-esque conspiracy nature of the Pakistani junta's inner workings and its unwillingness to cut of support for over two dozen Kashmiri groups, three to five of the largest of which are fair weather al-Qaeda affiliates that are also partially controlled by the ISI. We also know that al-Qaeda has tried to assassinate Musharraf and fight the Pakistani military. All of these facts put us in a completely different boat than Iraq, IMO. "How do you come to take conclusion? Simply because the reports are 'raw,' does not mean that they are unhyped, or otherwise fallacious." The hype alleged by the administration's detractors took place in the cherry-picking of the intelligence analysis, not in the data in of itself. Raw intel does not guarantee accurate intel (and I noted some of the differences and problems with the memo's account today), which is why I'm comparing this to what we can discern from open source documents. As I mentioned before, this is far from ideal but is probably the best that we can achieve right now. "What sort of relationship? You concluding three-pronged argument is mere conjecture based on a thin historical narrative. In other words, you find what you want to find." As I mentioned before, this is far from ideal, but I am simply trying to demonstrate that much of the data contained within the memo can be harmonized with what we know and/or can discern from our knowledge of the individuals involved. I also noted the problems with this individuals claims in regard to the EIJ and would simply ask that you at the very least acknowledge that reaching this sort of conclusion is far from a total abandonment of all reason or logic.
#3 from Rich Reilly at 3:39 am on Nov 21, 2003
I would submit the beating back of Iraq from Kuwait and over a decade of hide and seek put Saddam's Iraq in a different category than other countries in the region. Did I mention the attempt to assassinate Bush 1? An interesting quote from James Woolsey in '98:
#4 from Jean Bart at 4:49 am on Nov 21, 2003
Rich Reilly, A ten year old cassus belli starts to stink after a while. "We're trying to make a judgment about American foreign policy and national security policy..." Fine, then quit asking the world for money and troops.
"...quit asking the world for money and troops." I'll let Thomas L. Friedman address your point JB. Iraq is the most audacious nation-building project America has ever engaged in. But to succeed, we Americans needs partners - not only to help, but to provide legitimacy so we can sustain it. Right now, though, we are operating in a context of enormous global animosity. We are dancing alone. We can't let this stop us. We can't cater to every whim - but we can't just ignore it all, especially when it comes from our friends. Because there is no country in the world that we can't smash alone, and there is no country in the world we can rebuild alone - certainly not one as big and complex as Iraq.
#6 from Jean Bart at 7:34 am on Nov 21, 2003
Robert Stevens, Any nation with nuclear weapons can smash any other nation with nuclear weapons. That's been the case since 1945. Thomas Friedman has a flair for saying rather dumb things. Anyway, you're going to have to give me a better reason to give your country money besides the mere fact that you need the money.
#7 from richreilly@hotmail.com at 4:39 pm on Nov 21, 2003
"A ten year old cassus belli starts to stink after a while." Woolsey: "We're trying to make a judgment about American foreign policy and national security policy..." JB: Fine, then quit asking the world for money and troops. moi: Well, I suppose you have no self-interest in the successful reconstruction of Iraq and its implications for the middle East. Or do you? What country are you from?
#8 from Dean at 9:47 pm on Nov 21, 2003
Jean Bart: I sincerely and truly hope that you are not French. For a Frenchman to say that a ten year old casus belli stinks, when Alsace and Lorraine were made the basis of not just the spirit of revanche but MILITARY PLANNING for nearly forty years, is simply stunning. Moreover, the core issue of Iraq lies in the UNSC Resolutions of 1990-1991. While that might seem a bit old, like a murder charge (at least in the United States), those resolutions are still in effect. (I'd note that FORTY and FIFTY year old resolutions are often cited by those who defend the Palestinians, so ten years is but a blink of an eye.) As those resolutions remained in effect, failure to comply in fact represented a casus belli. (Note: German remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, in contravention of various provisions then 15 years old, were a casus belli as well, that France chose not to take issue w/.) The 1993 assassination attempt on George HW Bush were merely a further bit of evidence of the nature of the regime.
#9 from Jean Bart at 10:59 pm on Nov 21, 2003
Dean, Hmm, well given the fact that this planning was based largely on defensive strategies undercuts your point. The planning was undertook because France knew an aggressive Germany would strike at France again; thus France's efforts to cultivate allies in the coming fight - the UK and Russia. Which it did brilliantly I might add; turning the tables on the Germans when they tried to isolate France over the Morroccan crisis. Even drawing the US into taking the side of France. "(Note: German remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, in contravention of various provisions then 15 years old, were a casus belli as well, that France chose not to take issue w/.)" Well, given that our allies were willing to look the other way, how could we? Even as early as 1936 Germany was stronger than France militarily. And if one remembers what occurred to France diplomatically and economically when it invaded Germany in the 1920s to enforce the provisions of the Versailles treaty, well, we can see where an invasion in 1936 would have landed France. The basic lesson France learned from WWII is that one should not count on one's allies; ergo our independent nuclear arms policy. Now, France certainly made its mistakes in the run up to WWII; not aligning itself with the USSR in the early 1930s being one of them. Of course, if it would have done this, the UK would have been lost as an ally due to the UK's wish to isolate the USSR as much as possible. France in the 1930s, as Americans say, was in a "pickle."
#10 from Dean at 11:11 pm on Nov 21, 2003
Jean Bart: I think you are missing the point. YOU wrote that a ten year old incident is insufficient as a casus belli, when France itself chose a forty-year issue as one. As for French strategy towards Germany, the French were hardly only responding to the Schlieffen Plan. Indeed, French planning was rooted in the offensive for as much its own purposes (including the efforts of Grandmaison and co.) as any response to Germany (else, more forces would've gone to the north). But if you are prepared to plan based on known offensive strategies (which was insufficient to know, apparently WHERE the blow would even fall), then how do you criticize us, for equally knowing how the Iraqis were likely to act? ESPECIALLY when Germany had not acted overtly against France for 40 years, yet Iraq had for most of the 1990s? On the issue of the Rhineland, France in 1936 most certainly was stronger than the still-rearming Germans. As the records show, Hitler's own generals would've acted against him had France moved against him viz. the Rhineland; and Hitler had even given orders for the forces to be withdrawn if France intervened. But if France learned not to count on allies, again, why should it criticize the United States if we draw the same lessons?
#11 from Jean Bart at 11:48 pm on Nov 21, 2003
"ESPECIALLY when Germany had not acted overtly against France for 40 years..." Actually, this is incorrect; German efforts to undermine and isolate France were fairly constant from the 1890s onward as France re-introduced itself a power on the world stage. The Germans continued from the 1890s onward to provoke crisis with France; the two Morroccan crisis are examples of this. "On the issue of the Rhineland, France in 1936 most certainly was stronger than the still-rearming Germans. As the records show, Hitler's own generals would've acted against him had France moved against him viz. the Rhineland; and Hitler had even given orders for the forces to be withdrawn if France intervened." Actually, you are wrong. France was far weaker militarily than is generally understood. France's efforts to re-arm itself only began tentatively in 1936; France did have a large military force in the 1920s, but economies in the 1930s forced retrenchment (it doesn't take long to make a military toothless). During most of the 1930s, the conscription period was one year (it had previously been three); and there were years in the 1930s which can only be construed as recuiting holes - as the low birth rate caused by the deaths in WWI came to fruition. Its telling to note that in 1939, France, if it had wanted to send bombers to attack German elements attacking Poland, could have sent only a few dozen. And this was after three years of relatively slow re-armament by the French government, after a nearly a decade of the French government starving the French military. So yes, the Germans would have perhaps withdrawn; but France did not feel itself strong enough to undergo an invasion in the first place - either as a matter of military might or diplomatically. Furthermore, you have to understand that Hitler, as well as the German military, were more afraid of what they thought of the French military vis a vis their experiences in WWI, than what was the reality of the 1930s. Due partly to the ravages of WWI there was a level of fundamental weakness not usually associated with great powers; and this only worsened in the inter-war period. Thus France was a very weak country by this point and the Germans, when they actually invaded France, discovered this. French soldiers fought bravely certainly, but the command structures, the overall strategy for the war, the French economy, etc. were so flawed and weak as to make bravery on the battlefield a useless commodity. "But if France learned not to count on allies, again, why should it criticize the United States if we draw the same lessons?" Hmm, I am not criticizing the US for that.
#12 from Rich Reilly at 12:55 am on Nov 22, 2003
Dean: "The 1993 assassination attempt on George HW Bush were merely a further bit of evidence of the nature of the regime." JB: "...but France did not feel itself strong enough to undergo an invasion in the first place - either as a matter of military might or diplomatically."
#13 from Jean Bart at 1:32 am on Nov 22, 2003
Rich Reilly, Familiar? Familiar to what?
#14 from lewy14 at 9:13 am on Nov 22, 2003
Jean Bart, You list a set of reasons that French military strength was lacking in the late 30's, the economy, the demographic tragedy of WWI, etc... but are these really reasons, or rationalizations? After all, Germany suffered these same privations, and to no less an extent, if not worse. After all, if Germany possessed sufficient leadership and will to invade France, must we really turn to demographics and economics to explain France's inability to defend herself? Or was this defeat produced by inferior military tactical skill, and a failure of political will? Strange Victory: Hitler's Conquest of France by Ernest R. May seems to argue this point, and though I haven't read it, the broad outline sounds reasonable.
#15 from Jean Bart at 9:59 am on Nov 22, 2003
lewy14, They are reasons; they are not rationalizations. The historiography of this area is very complex and highly variegated; as you should know, the title of May's work is a play off of a worked titled "Strange Defeat" by the French historian Bloch (a resistance fighter who was killed in 1944). Bloch blamed primarily blamed the decadance of France. Regarding your two-pronged explantion, while it is true that the static nature of French warfare the time, as well as the decision to march the bulk of France's army into Belgium, did contribute to the disaster of June 1940, I see this as at best the immediate result of factors which preceded these events - specifically France's lack of military preparedness. The conscription issue is critically important here because French men in arms since the early 1930s had at most one year of training compared to the several years of their German counterparts. The one year conscription had been neccesitated by the economies the French government underwent during the Depression, which hit France four to five years after the rest of the "West," meaning around 1932-1933. I think the following example illustrates the weakness of France militarily. In the 1930s the French navy, partly as a result of treaties France signed to limit its size, and partly due to economic constraints, couldn't even serve its empire. Troops could be moved from closer Africa colonies, but getting any sort of major military forces to say Indochina was out of the question. Regarding the issue of politics, the Third Republic was always politically weak and unstable (along the lines of the Italian government in the post-war era). Yet it was able to bring to the fore Prime Minister Clemenceau in 1917, at time when France was faltering; Clemenceau steeling his government to continue the war until the bitter end. So the question is why another Clemenceau did not come to fore in 1940? Well, one did - his name was Charles de Gaulle. Unfortunately for de Gaulle he was not in a position to oust Petain from power; and this is largely because the political class of the WWI era had yet to be replaced as would have normally happened. Why weren't they replaced? Because the generation that would have done so were dead. Not only were manpower shortages created by the war felt in the overall size of the French army, but also in French society; because the flower of French society, its natural leaders, were slaughtered in WWI. I don't disagree that of course French leadership failed; or at least much of it. But the question is this - even if France had been blessed with the best leaders possible, given the military and economic weakness France had in 1939-1940, would it have made a difference? In my opinion, at best what de Gaulle undertook would have been quicked; France would have rallied from its empire as de Gaulle was able to undertake. Except in this case, de Gaulle (or whoever was in charge) would not have had to fight pro-Vichy colonial military units. You may wish to look at these links for some scholarly thoughts on this issue:
#16 from Jean Bart at 10:40 am on Nov 22, 2003
#17 from lewy14 at 11:07 am on Nov 22, 2003
Jean Bart, Well, you've given me much to read, and I'll go back to Keegan's book on the First World War to fact check your assertions on French losses then... I do recall from that book that the casualties were about 10 percent... even given the disproportionate loss of the best and the brightest, I'm not persuaded that the casualty rate (though truly horrific) explains the lack of leadership. It's late, and I'm to bed, but glancing over your first link I found this passage very interesting:Historians' unwillingness to undertake an analysis of interwar France with an eye to the deep roots of the collapse was, and still is, probably dueHeh. Indeed.
#18 from Jean Bart at 1:12 pm on Nov 22, 2003
lewy14, Re: the qoutation: Well, the problem with that particular statement, is that so much ink has been spilled over the issue of France's fall as to make it meaningless. France lost around 1.4 million men in WWI (that's not counting civilian deaths). And Keegan's poorly written book isn't going to help you much regarding the inter-war years. France had a population twice as small as Germany's, and an industrial capacity four to five times as small. The facts on the ground were the same as they had been in 1914; without allies, France was in a decided position of weakness against the Germans and could not hope to win a war against them. I'm not quite sure why people think of France during this period, or even before WWI I might add, as some sort of equal to Germany. BTW, I notice that you've completely ignored the rest of my argument; so I shall simply take that as a sign that you accept what I have written.
#19 from shahrukh at 6:42 am on Jul 07, 2004
pakistan is a great country and we are a forefront country in war against terrorism and i dont no that why west is why our against and blamed us that we are with talibans i wants to clear here that israel is responsible for 9/11 attacks but usa is doing ill behaviour with muslims trace a nd kill israel not muslims but i think not i all world know that usa has no power to trapped israel because usa economy depend on isareli
#20 from shahrukhkhan at 6:44 am on Jul 07, 2004
pakistan is a great country and we are a forefront country in war against terrorism and i dont no that why west is why our against and blamed us that we are with talibans i wants to clear here that israel is responsible for 9/11 attacks but usa is doing ill behaviour with muslims trace a nd kill israel not muslims but i think not i all world know that usa has no power to trapped israel because usa economy depend on isareli
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"Special Analysis: Testing The Standard, Part 1/6"